With
the election of President Donald Trump and the appointment of Ajit Pai as FCC
Chairman, muscular network neutrality rules soon will evaporate as the
Commission reverts to a general promotion of openness and best practices.
Despite judicial affirmance of an earlier
reclassification of broadband Internet access as a telecommunications service,
subject to common carrier regulation, the Restoring Internet Freedom Notice of
Proposed Rulemaking proposes to revert to a looser regulatory classification triggering
substantially less government oversight:
Today, we take a much-needed first step
toward returning to the successful bipartisan framework that created the free
and open Internet and, for almost twenty years, saw it flourish. By proposing to end the utility-style
regulatory approach that gives government control of the Internet, we aim to
restore the market-based policies necessary to preserve the future of Internet
Freedom, and to reverse the decline in infrastructure investment, innovation,
and options for consumers put into motion by the FCC in 2015.
The
FCC now proposes to apply an information service regulatory classification to
broadband Internet access
and
to treat wireless service as private carriage rather than the existing commercial
designation established by Congress.
The Commission heavily relies on a questionable conclusion that common carriage
regulation stifles investment, innovation and employment in the Internet ecosystem.
While offering a passing reference to
contrary studies, the FCC opts to accept unconditionally the conclusion in one
study sponsored by incumbent carriers that existing regulation imposed substantial
marketplace harms. The Commission espite
clear evidence that Internet ventures continue to invest billions in both
content delivery plant and content creators who need a robust distribution
network to deliver content to consumers.
Remarkably,
the Commission appears confident that any and all reductions in investment,
innovation and employment have resulted directly and exclusively from common
carrier responsibilities imposed by a Democratic majority. It provides no evidence of causation, nor
does it even consider other factors that may have contributed, such as the
billions of dollars recently invested in content, e.g., Verizon’s acquisition
of America Online and Yahoo, AT&T’s acquisition
of DirecTV and several mergers of cable television operators. Additionally, the Commission conveniently
ignores the cyclical nature of facilities investment that, for example,
triggers a spike in a new generation of wireless plant, e.g., from 3d
generation to 4th generation, followed by a normal reduction capital
expenditures as the new equipment becomes operational.
The FCC also ignores the fact that despite
operating within a so-called public utility regulatory regime, wireless
carriers have invested billions on spectrum and network facilities capable of
delivering content as near wireline speeds.
The
Restoring Internet Freedom NPRM devotes substantial space supporting the
proposed reclassification of broadband Internet access as an information service. The Commission considers this classification more
appropriate and lawful, going so far as to claim bipartisan support, despite
the fact that the previous Democratic majority favored common carrier
requirements:
We believe the Commission under
Democratic and Republican leadership alike was correct in these decisions to
classify broadband Internet access service as an information service and that,
20 years after the passage of the Telecommunications Act, we should be
reluctant to second-guess the interpretations of those more likely to
understand the contemporary meaning of the terms of the Telecommunications
Act.
The
Commission identifies ample precedent where reviewing courts defer to its technical
expertise and statutory interpretation, particularly where the underlying law
lacks clarity.
Ironically,
reversion to the information services classification will result in two
outcomes that can have directly harmful impact on consumers and carriers. First, reliance on Title I authority does not
in and of itself reduce will the regulatory uncertainty which the FCC and
stakeholders abhor,
because
of the potential disincentives for investment, innovation and employment it
creates. The FCC clearly signals that
its reliance on Title I will promote deregulation, if not unregulation, but
ample case precedent shows that reviewing courts may not trust regulatory
agencies to maintain consistency.
The
FCC clearly seeks to remove regulatory oversight, but it also retains Title I,
so-called ancillary jurisdiction to intervene as circumstances warrant, e.g.,
when a carrier deviates from any of the 2005 Open Internet principles.
Second,
reversion to Title resurrects the view that the FCC can compartmentalize
Internet technologies into an air tight, mutually exclusive dichotomy of
telecommunications services and information services,
despite
market and technological convergence. For
example, the FCC already has had to address the fact that wireless devices
combine basic, regulated, telecommunications services, such as voice telephony
and texting, with unregulated or differently regulated content and information
services. Even during a time when the
Commission considered broadband access as constituting an information service,
it imposed common carrier type, affirmative duties to deal and interconnect on
wireless carriers so that consumers can access Internet services when “roaming”
outside their home service territories.
The
FCC also proposes to eliminate the application of a catch-all standard used in
the 2015 Open Internet Order that prohibited “current or future practices that
cause the type of harms [the Commission’s] rules are intended to address.”
This standard allows the Commission to prohibit practices that it determines
unreasonably interfere with or unreasonably disadvantage the ability of
consumers to reach the Internet content, services, and applications of their
choosing or of online content, applications, and service providers to access
consumers. It also enables the FCC to
prohibit any Internet service provider practice that it believes violates any
one of the non-exhaustive list of factors adopted in the 2015 Open Internet Order.
The
Commission believes that eliminating a standard of conduct will provide greater
clarity to stakeholders, because the current Internet conduct standard “is
premised on theoretical problems that will be adjudicated on an individual,
case-by-case basis, Internet service providers must guess at what they are
permitted and not permitted to do.”
The Commission cites the zero rating as an example where the FCC, under a Democratic
majority, investigated the lawfulness of subsidized data access, while the new Republican
majority quickly shut down the investigation.
Arguably, the regulatory uncertain resulted from different
interpretations of the conduct standard, based on political party affiliation,
rather than the conduct standard itself.
Removing the standard provides no guidance at all, unless the Commission
has signaled that it cannot anticipate a problem with any carrier offer to
exempt specific types of traffic from debiting a monthly data allowance.
The
2017 Restoring Internet Freedom NPRM also seeks comments on whether the FCC
should eliminate three carrier conduct prohibitions contained in the 2015 Open
Internet Order: blocking, throttling, and paid prioritization. The Commission strongly hints that it
considers these, ex ante safeguards both unnecessary and imposed without
evidence that consumers have, or would suffer harm if the prohibitions did not
exist.
The
Commission also seeks comments on whether Section 706 of the Telecommunications
Act provides it with direct statutory authority to impose regulatory
safeguards, or simply requires the FCC to assess the competitiveness and
accessibility of the broadband marketplace and report findings to congress. This portion of the NPRM may appear insignificant
and narrow, but the Commission clearly implies its view that Section 706
provides no statutory authority to impose regulatory safeguards under any
circumstances.
Even if the current FCC Commissioners did
retain the option of regulatory intervention, an already expressed view that
the wired and wireless broadband marketplace operates competitively strongly
implies that a majority Republican FCC would never seek to impose regulatory
safeguards based on Section 706 authority.
For
good measure, the Restoring Internet Freedom NPRM also seeks comments whether any regulatory
burden on broadband access providers would violate their First Amendment
expression rights, a matter summarily dismissed by the D.C. Circuit Court
majority, but raised in a dissent.
Lastly, the FCC expresses a keen interest in applying
a disciplined and substantive cost/benefit analysis assessing the financial
impacts of its action.
While laudable, the FCC’s NPRM provides several instances where the Commission
reaches broad sweeping conclusions without the empirical evidence and analysis
it now regularly seeks to conduct.
“In
the Title II Order, despite virtually
no quantifiable evidence of consumer harm, the Commission nevertheless
determined that it needed bright line rules banning three specific practices by
providers of both fixed and mobile broadband Internet access service: blocking,
throttling, and paid prioritization. The
Commission also ‘enhanced’ the transparency rule by adopting additional
disclosure requirements. Today, we revisit these determinations and seek
comment on whether we should keep, modify, or eliminate the bright line and
transparency rules.” Id. at ¶76.